Saturday, June 24, 2006

The Last Temptation of Slavoj Zizek

Continuing the Tuesday session...

Frankenstein

"Many people have remarked upon parallels between Bible Book of Genesis and Mary Shelley Frankenstein - in both cases you have non-sexual creation of life, subsequent creation of bride, creation escaping control of creator, and so on. But there is contradiction here - between this reading, and "promethean" reading - as you know, subtitle of Frankenstein is "Modern Prometheus" - and here idea is of course rebellion against God."

"Now again, this relates back to Chesterton "Man Who Was Thursday" idea that God himself is supreme criminal, in rebellion against himself - and this is why it is always very ironic when Conservative Christians, say things like, "Oh, we must not play God, things will get out of control" - but this is exactly what happened with God himself!

"Now, writer of Frankenstein was Mary Shelley - of course, wife of Percy Shelley - and by the way, [deep breath] I have to say: I despise all these fake feminist readings of Frankenstein where critic says, idea of Frankenstein, it was written against Percy - because you know there is letter written by Mary Shelley after marrying Percy in which she describes Percy gaze and then same passage later is in Frankenstein, used as description for gaze of monster - tell me why, there is this idea, that in literary couples, man is always obscene extreme penetrating phallogocentric - you know, they should try rehabilitating Nietzsche's sister, if they dare - then I would respect them!"

"But anyway [Zizek regains his train of thought] - my point was - Percy is author of probably greatest political poem in English language, "Mask of Anarchy" - which he wrote after British government massacre - and with regard back to Chesterton point, that anarchists are already power, my point is that Percy already realized this. As he puts it:

O'er fields and towns, from sea to sea,
Passed the Pageant swift and free,
Tearing up, and trampling down;
Till they came to London town.

And each dweller, panic-stricken,
Felt his heart with terror sicken
Hearing the tempestuous cry
Of the triumph of Anarchy.

For with pomp to meet him came,
Clothed in arms like blood and flame,
The hired murderers, who did sing
'Thou art God, and Law, and King."

Foucault in Tehran



"Just like Heidegger with Nazis, Foucault has been heavily criticized for supposed lapse, error in his thought, over his engagement with Iranian revolution. But again, my thought here is that - just like Heidegger - he did the right thing, only again, in wrong direction."

"In his Iran writings, key Foucauldian term is enthusiasm, which he takes from Kant writings on French Revolution, but turns around - original Kant idea was that political enthusiasm is property not of empirical event itself, but rather of sublme image of event - so that true French Revolution meant for him hopes aroused by French Revolution in gaze of observers."

"Now the problem with this would be that it is basically endless, we can play crazy games with it - it can work with French Revolution, the Iranian Revolution, Stalinism, Maoist Cultural Revolution - even Nazism! Which is why, incidentally, with regard to Latin America, where I think there might be something like this happening now with foreign leftists, I am tempted to turn around, and say, "Screw Chavez!""

"In any case, though - in his Iranian revolution writings, Foucault inverts Kant, he says that enthusiasm is totally contained within empirical situation, it has nothing to do with sublime image, is even opposed to this, to cold gaze of observers who Foucault claims cannot understand it at all, he says, "the man in revolt is ultimately inexplicable.""

"This is first Foucault position on Iranian revolution - that it is something totally new, and that this is something that outsiders cannot grasp."

"But Foucault then a little later withdraws from this position - effectively, what he does is to transpose the split between outside sublime image and immanent empirical scene into revolting subjects themselves: the distinction Foucault draws here is between revolt and revolution, in which former is pure event, and latter is moment of cynical reinscription of event back into realpolitik - he says things now like Iranian mullahs themselves did not really grasp the pure event."

"But this is not all - Foucault then goes to third position, where he withdraws even further. Now he claims that the enthusiasm driving the pure event in the first place was driven by reactionary factor - anti-feminism, chauvinism, xenophobic nationalism, anti-semitism, and so on - with his conclusion here basically that you need all of this historical shit in order to sustain enthusiasm, it is ultimately necessary."

"So you the see the logic here - three withdrawals. First, Foucault claims is event is absolutely new, and that whatever reactionary aspect it might seem to have belongs entirely to outside subjective perceptions. Then he says, in fact, split between new aspect and reactionary aspect inherent in event itself, but that the pure event comes first. Then, he withdraws even further, and says that actually it was reactionary aspect that came first, which generated event in the first place."

"So you see the point here - and it is charge very often levelled against Badiou, but unfairly in his case, that criteria of Badiou mean that Nazism is event - this is actually not true of Badiou, but it is, I think true of Foucault - what Foucault theorizes with Iranian Revolution applies exactly to Nazism!"

Capitalism, and the Indestructibility thereof

"I was debate in New York recently with Simon Critchley, and it was good, productive debate - no irony intended here - and question came up, "Do you believe that Capitalism is indestructible?" And Critchley answered that yes, ultimately he did."

"Now - point here is not, "Oh, Critchley is traitor!" - though after revolution, of course, we will have to have him shot - but rather that there is this aspect to capitalism, that it does present itself as indestructible - because it is basically undead - and this, of course, was Marx's point when he compared capital to a a vampire, and so on."

"Marx thought that capitalism was essentially liberating, dynamic force, but only that it met limit with capital itself which made it turn backwards on itself, and so theory was, we abolish capital, and then we would just get pure dynamic."

"The irony of this is that this basically what happened, though in an inverted way, with really existing socialism - in effect, it acted during cold war as limit to pure unconstrained capitalism, but then was eventually destroyed by globalizing world economy, which it could not match in terms of production."

Repeating Thatcher

"In Britain, Tony Blair has repeated Thatcher in the same way that Augustus repeated Caesar - by elevating what was with her just pure contingency and pragmatic decisions, into concept of Thatcherism.

"The lesson of this is that, to be a proper capitalist in the West today - as opposed to just a contingent capitalist who really only supports particular capitalist interests, old aristocratic establishment and so on - one has to be a third way social democrat, like Blair in the UK, or like Clinton was in USA. Similarly, in China rapid capitalist expansion demands authoritarian state - if the CCP was to fall, China would collapse. Tiananmen Square basically was a blessing for global capitalism."

"My own view is that as leftists, we need to appreciate Blair and Clinton for what they are, what they have done - in essence, what they represent the best that the existing system has to offer."
The Dictatorship of the Proleteriat

"When I say dicatorship of the proleteriat, what I mean is basically non-representative functioning of poltics, the aspect of state power that is irreducibly dictatorial, the unconditional premise that frames all political discourse. For example, in talking about the role of state, the underlying question is, "what is the state?" And actually, I think this is one of the things that is very positive about Chavez in Venezuela, the fact that this has been made very conscious."

"On the level of dictatorship, it is not just a question of shifting particular positions, but more radically one of competing universal visions - not just the struggle within the frame, but the struggle for the frame itself. What I mean by proleteriat is basically what people like Badiou and Ranciere are talking about in France - the non-represented, excluded part that precisely because it is excluded, stands for universality as such..."

"Professor Zizek," a woman abrasively calls out from the audience, "Will you be answering questions?"

Another voice, somewhere: "That's a meta-question!"

Zizek: "Well, it sounds like you have one, so you may as well ask it..."

The woman winds up and plunges into her mad polemic:

"You are wrong about Israel, you are wrong about everything, all you do is criticize, you are the very embodiment of everything you criticize, you have no positive program, you are the very embodiment of everything you criticize!"

Zizek: "Now, wait a minute - I do not accept this idea that one cannot criticize without adding at the end some nice little light-at-the-end-of-tunnel happy ending. Furthermore," Zizek spies the opening for his trademark sucker-punch, "Have you not now caught yourself in your own trap, because you are not advancing positive vision either, you are just criticizing my lack..."

"Yes, but I'm not the one on stage!"

"What?"

"I'm not the one on stage."

"Well, yes, okay - this is true, but nonetheless I do not think my duty as a philosopher is to give you program, but rather to try and show you where the problem is."

8 Comments:

Geist said...

Great fun again.

3:54 AM  
Jodi said...

This is now my favorite show. I especially like it when you used the phrase 'launches into her mad polemic'--and you capture Z's voice so well; I really wish I could write in a Slovenian accent.

10:05 PM  
wm said...

Just wondering, can anyone else imagine Zizek recommending to someone that they commit suicide?

12:52 PM  
Wesley said...

Zizek says that to be seduced by contemporary capitalism we end up as a third way sophisticates, who are a simulation of politics. The characteristic figures of this capitalism are these slick, attractive figures that we can enjoy on television, even as the system goes on working better than ever.

In this sense the moralistic disdain for Clinton’s sophistication after the 2000 election can be read as a desire for a return to the political, and George W. Bush was such a return. His evangelical, dogmatic democratic morality would be a return to commitment, and of commitment to the real political thing as opposed to the sophisticated management of the public sphere.

Yet, isn’t one of the fascinating things about George W. Bush that, even though he seems to be on the right, there’s also something apolitical about him? Bush’s life and manner indicate that his political commitment is very superficial, and when we watch him we see that even as he mouths the slogans of the right, he has only the most superficial notion of what he’s talking about.

That is, political reality returns most forcefully in those figures who are stupid, who have little knowledge of what they’re committed to, and who have little genuine knowledge of the contemporary situation that they’re faced with. Maybe stupid people tend to desire the return of political reality because commitment itself is nothing other than the foreclosure on thought.

What Zizek doesn’t pay attention to is that, like those on the right, figures of the third way also remain committed to something, which is politics itself. Zizek assumes that Clinton and Blaire are all slick rhetoric, but he ignores that in fact they remain committed to the ends of leftist politics, even if they think that traditional leftist means are no longer viable.

This is why the third way figures are a simulation of politics, rather than its total dissolution. Simulation comes when we continue to measure something in terms of its real ends, even if we use means that aren’t real. This is why sexual fantasy is a simulation of sex, because in fantasy we take pleasure in sexual reality even though we don’t use sexual means to do so.

It’s precisely this last vestige of the real, this last vestige of political commitment, that must be finally seduced. It’s not, as Zizek says, that we must reintroduce the real into politics, or that we must reappropriate the real from conservatives, now that they’ve so kindly brought it back for us. By definition, this is stupid. Only the small steps of thought and love, rather than the obscene gesture of revolutionary politics, are available to us now.

11:13 AM  
daniel said...

Wesley - There is so much here that I disagree with so fundamentally, that I tempted to simply to have you shot.

Nonetheless:

"What Zizek doesn’t pay attention to is that, like those on the right, figures of the third way also remain committed to something, which is politics itself. Zizek assumes that Clinton and Blaire are all slick rhetoric, but he ignores that in fact they remain committed to the ends of leftist politics, even if they think that traditional leftist means are no longer viable.

Explain to me two things.

First, how did you arrive at the idea that Zizek thinks Clinton and Blair are all slick rhetoric? I quote him as saying almost precisely the opposite of this, "My own view is that as leftists, we need to appreciate Blair and Clinton for what they are, what they have done - in essence, what they represent the best that the existing system has to offer."

Second, please explain - how exactly do you figure that Clinton and Blair remain committed to leftist ends? What about them has given you this impression? What definition of "leftist" are you operating with here, exactly?

You finish with, "Only the small steps of thought and love, rather than the obscene gesture of revolutionary politics, are available to us now."

I must admit, this is a challenging statement. I have no idea at all how to respond to it.

12:44 AM  
daniel said...

WM - "Many years ago, there was a particular moment when I felt really free. My phone rang one day. I picked it up, and somebody asked for Maria. It was a wrong number. In the days before digital telephones, there was practically no way the caller could check the number he had dialed if he made a mistake. My immediate temptation was to say, "I'm an emergency doctor. Maria just had a heart attack. She is dying," and then put the phone down"

http://www.indexmagazine.com/interviews/slavoj_zizek.shtml

12:47 AM  
Wesley said...

There’s something ambiguous about Zizek’s statement that these social democrats represent ‘the best’ of the existing system. Does he mean that they are the best in a normative sense, in that as long as we live in this system they are all that we have, or does he mean that they are the ultimate example of the system, in that they have been seduced by the system and are its slickest political by-product?

It’s true that I emphasise the latter meaning. The reason that I do so is that Zizek’s consistent position is that contemporary ideology takes the form of a fantasy, which is to say the form of simulation. This fits with Zizek’s argument that ‘to be a proper capitalist in the West today’ is to belong to the third way. The political leader who simulates political commitment is proper to contemporary capitalist ideology.

Does Zizek also mean ‘almost the opposite’, which is to say that the third way represents all that the left has in this system? This argument would be that Zizek is saying that all that the left can do in the present system is to be seduced by capitalism. Maybe this would fit with some of his other points here about Marx’s argument that capitalism is essentially a liberating force, etc.

If this is what he means by ‘the best of the current system’, it contradicts Zizek’s other accounts of the left’s appropriate political response. Even in this lecture Zizek says that the ‘positive’ aspect of Chavez is that he brings the state to the forefront of politics. What Zizek seems to find positive in this is that the state is made to be the state again because it is confirmed in its violent identity.

Yet this brave assertion of the state’s violent reality isn’t close to the purely managerial style of the third way, where the state continues to function as a seemingly benevolent yet insipid, disciplinary guarantor of democratic life. In the third way, the state is supposed to be the one who already loves workers and capital together, so that it functions more efficiently than ever.

Lastly, you shouldn’t ‘admit’ to anything because you ‘must.’ Of course, this is what happened in Soviet times, immediately before the said confessor was shot. Maybe we should take seriously the libertarian position that the ultimate reason that people and governments resort to violence is that, in executing someone who disagrees with them, they’re always betraying their own weakness.

Zizek makes this point himself somewhere, with regard to the parody of ‘the long nose’, though again somehow this all gets lost in the politics of commitment. Maybe if such a position were to come from a libertarian he’d call it passé, or worthy of execution, etc. In any case, I think that such a libertarian wouldn’t care, because they would simply be absolutely, fundamentally committed to their beliefs!

9:55 PM  
Anonymous said...

"My own view is that as leftists, we need to appreciate Blair and Clinton for what they are, what they have done - in essence, what they represent the best that the existing system has to offer."

There is absolutely nothing ambiguous about this statement. If, as Wesley suggests, Zizek considers them the "slickest by-product" of the system, then why would he want to show appreaciation for "what they are, what they have done". There would be no reason for his praise, it may as well fall on any other political figure when thought about in this way.

No, the only way to interpret this is that they did the best that they could do within the current system. And that for it we should recognise them as, for lack of a better term, decent enough individuals. People with their heart in the right place.

To base your argument on such an "ambiguity" is precarious at best, you should probably be more careful.

1:49 PM  

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